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Op-Ed

Wednesday, June 3, 2026

Analysis · Reflections · Commentary

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Op-Ed

Is a Gendarmerie a Constitutional Challenge?

The idea of creating a gendarmerie or an intermediate military-police force in Kosovo raises a legal and constitutional debate within the state’s security architecture. Kosovo already possesses the Kosovo Security Force and the Kosovo Police.
Could the state legally establish a third armed structure positioned between the army and the police? At the center of the debate lies a fundamental constitutional question: does Kosovo’s constitutional order allow the creation of an additional armed force?
Kosovo’s Constitution already clearly defines the country’s main security institutions. Article 126 defines the KSF as the national security force of the Republic of Kosovo, operating under democratic civilian control and with the President serving as Commander-in-Chief. Meanwhile, Article 128 defines the Kosovo Police as the institution responsible for public order and internal security.
The debate becomes even more complex when analyzing the type of competencies such a gendarmerie could possess. If such a force were granted broad police powers such as arrests, criminal investigations, riot control, or internal security operations — competencies that constitutionally already belong to the Kosovo Police — serious legal questions would arise. On the other hand, if it were structured as an armed force with a military character outside the KSF, questions would emerge regarding overlap with national defense competencies already delegated to the KSF.
The Constitution does not explicitly prohibit the creation of specialized security formations. Many democratic states maintain functioning gendarmerie forces operating legally under parliamentary oversight. Examples include the French Gendarmerie and the Italian Carabinieri, both of which combine military organization with certain internal security competencies.
Such a new force could also rely on the legal evolution and gradual transformation of the Kosovo Security Force, whose competencies have expanded over the years beyond its original mandate of civil emergency response and crisis management.
However, the constitutional vulnerability of such a force would largely depend on how it is legally structured.
A unit integrated within the Kosovo Police as a special intervention force would likely face fewer constitutional challenges, since it would remain within an institution already recognized by the Constitution. Likewise, a military police or territorial protection command established within the KSF would be easier to justify legally as part of the existing defense architecture.
On the other hand, the creation of a completely independent force could trigger a constitutional challenge. Any autonomous armed structure operating outside the existing legal and institutional framework could be interpreted as a violation of constitutional principles of legality, institutional hierarchy, and the balance of powers within the security sector.
Beyond the domestic legal aspect, the issue would also carry significant international implications. NATO and Kosovo Force continue to maintain the primary military presence in Kosovo within the post-war order established under UN Security Council Resolution 1244. Any move perceived as rapid militarization or the creation of new armed formations could generate international political concern, particularly in the context of tensions in northern Kosovo.
In practice, if Kosovo were to develop something resembling a gendarmerie, it would likely need to emerge gradually through the expansion of existing structures rather than through the creation of an entirely new force. Legally and politically, integration within existing constitutional institutions would be far more defensible than establishing an armed organization outside the current security architecture.
A force with broad security competencies and an intermediate military-police character could potentially require constitutional amendments. Such a process would be politically and legally complex, since constitutional amendments in Kosovo require not only a qualified parliamentary majority, but also the support of representatives of non-majority communities, making consensus on sensitive security matters particularly difficult to achieve.
For this reason, the legal question is not simply whether Kosovo can create a gendarmerie, but how such a force could be structured in accordance with the constitutional order and the existing state security architecture.

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Is Osmani the “Queen” who will decide the election outcome?
Op-Ed

Is Osmani the “Queen” who will decide the election outcome?

Former President of Kosovo, Vjosa Osmani, is once again emerging at the center of political developments in Kosovo, as the country enters a new phase of institutional and party reconfiguration, on the eve of general elections and following the end of her presidential mandate. Recent political movements and intensified contacts with the Democratic League of Kosovo have brought renewed focus on her future role in the political landscape.
This new potential positioning is seen as an attempt to capitalize on her institutional profile and international support. At the same time, current developments signal a broader reshaping of the political scene.
From LDK to Vetëvendosje
Osmani began her political career in the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), where she became one of the party’s most voted and reform-oriented figures. However, clashes with the party’s former leadership, led by Isa Mustafa, led to a gradual split during 2020.
She opposed LDK’s decisions on governing coalitions and was later expelled from its leadership structures. Ahead of the 2021 elections, Osmani aligned herself with Vetëvendosje and Albin Kurti, running on their list and securing one of the strongest electoral results in the country.
In April 2021, Osmani was elected President with the support of the parliamentary majority led by Vetëvendosje. Although LDK did not officially support her candidacy, it participated in the process to ensure quorum and enable her election. Her appointment marked a clear political break from LDK and a strong alignment with Kurti’s government, even though their roles remained institutionally separate.
Relationship with Kurti
Tensions between Vjosa Osmani and Albin Kurti have surfaced at various moments, but their definitive political split became evident during the final parliamentary session within the constitutional deadlines for electing the president. Kurti refused to support a second mandate for Osmani, despite LDK’s willingness—similar to the first time—to secure the necessary votes, aiming to avoid an institutional crisis and early elections.
Osmani is widely perceived as more aligned with the positions and messaging of Western partners, particularly the European Union and the United States, reflecting a more diplomatic and coordinated approach to foreign policy, as well as a notable closeness with the U.S. administration. This has also been reflected in symbolic gestures toward American leaders, including a publicly noted moment involving Donald Trump. On the other hand, Kurti often follows a more pronounced sovereigntist line.
Alignment with LDK and Electoral Impact
The leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Lumir Abdixhiku, has sent strong signals of rapprochement with Osmani. He has mentioned her as a preferred option for president, stating that “we will soon come with good news… part of LDK’s major comeback,” a message suggesting that LDK sees Osmani as a significant electoral and political asset. Her potential return is viewed as part of a broader strategy to reposition and strengthen the party.
In this context, expectations within LDK are that Osmani’s engagement could also bring back a considerable portion of the electorate she had drawn with her during her alignment with Vetëvendosje—an electorate that, according to estimates, represented nearly half of LDK’s traditional support at the time.
She is expected to lead LDK’s electoral list in a new political coalition, which could be formalized in the coming days. These developments point to a reconfiguration of the political landscape, where her role is seen as key for electoral representation and for LDK’s efforts to stage a strong political comeback.
The foundation of democracy
Op-Ed

The foundation of democracy

During 2025, at least 129 journalists lost their lives, highlighting the ongoing risks that threaten media freedom worldwide. This grim reality serves as a reminder that protecting media freedom is not only about safeguarding journalists, but also a necessity for preserving democracy and truth.
Media freedom and pluralism are fundamental to a functioning democracy and to the protection of citizens’ rights. They ensure that diverse voices, opinions, and perspectives are represented in the public sphere, enabling citizens to make informed decisions on political, social, and economic issues. Without this diversity, public debate becomes limited and more vulnerable to manipulation.
A true democracy cannot exist without independent media that holds those in power accountable. Journalists play a crucial role in investigating abuses, exposing corruption, and questioning institutional decisions. By providing accurate and timely information, the media empowers citizens to actively participate in democratic processes.
The media also acts as a key pillar in the system of checks and balances that sustain democratic governance. Alongside institutions such as the judiciary and the legislature, it helps prevent the abuse of power by ensuring transparency and public oversight. This watchdog role is essential for maintaining trust between citizens and their government.
History shows that authoritarian regimes often begin by targeting independent media. Through censorship, intimidation, legal pressure, or outright suppression, such regimes seek to control the flow of information and silence critical voices. Restricting media freedom is often one of the first steps toward weakening democratic institutions.
Today, journalists around the world face growing threats, including political pressure, surveillance, arbitrary detention, and physical violence.

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Quantum Sensors That Detect the Human Heartbeat: The Mystery Behind the Rescue of the American Pilot

The search-and-rescue operation of the American pilot has drawn significant attention due to the speed and precision of the localization and evacuation, raising questions about the technologies that may have been used in the field. Speculation includes the use of advanced technologies, including quantum sensors, sparking discussions about the growing role of next-generation systems in military and emergency operations.
The use of quantum sensors may have been crucial in locating the pilot. The search-and-rescue operation involved various tools, while any direct link to quantum technology remains unconfirmed.Quantum sensors represent one of the most advanced technological developments, using the principles of quantum mechanics to measure extremely small changes in gravity, magnetic fields, or motion with exceptional precision.
One of the most intriguing applications of this technology is the ability to detect heartbeats at a distance by capturing extremely weak biomagnetic signals generated by the human body during cardiac activity.Each heartbeat produces a minimal magnetic field due to the electrical impulses that control the contraction of the heart muscle. Highly sensitive quantum sensors can identify these changes even without physical contact, potentially enabling the detection of a person’s presence—even if they are trapped under debris or hidden in difficult terrain.
One of the main challenges in using quantum sensors to detect heartbeats is that the heart’s biomagnetic signal is extraordinarily weak compared to the much stronger magnetic field of the Earth.This is where artificial intelligence (AI) comes into play, helping to filter and isolate this significant natural “noise.” By analyzing complex data patterns in real time, AI algorithms can distinguish the small periodic signals corresponding to cardiac rhythm from the Earth’s constant magnetic background and other environmental interference.
This combination of quantum sensors and AI makes it possible to identify heartbeats even at a distance, opening the door to applications in search and rescue, medicine, and advanced surveillance.
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Were Serbian documents used to bypass travel restrictions?

The history of Kosovo passports reflects the territory’s political transformation over the past decades. After the Kosovo War, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) introduced a travel document to enable residents of Kosovo to travel abroad. However, the document faced significant restrictions, as only a limited number of countries recognized it for entry in its early years, making international travel difficult for many residents.
By 2004, several states had begun accepting the document, including Albania, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Turkey, Germany, and Switzerland, usually with visa requirements. Recognition varied widely between countries, and travelers often faced additional procedures or restrictions at borders, making international mobility during that period complicated for Kosovo residents.
During this period, residents continued to travel using Serbian passports, particularly businesspeople who needed easier international mobility.
In practice, many entrepreneurs and traders relied on Serbian passports to travel abroad for commerce, especially to markets such as China, where trade links and visa procedures were more accessible with those documents. In many cases, these passports were relatively easy to obtain within the country for individuals with sufficient financial means making them a practical solution for those engaged in international trade. 
Over time, a growing number of countries stopped accepting Serbian passports when Kosovo appeared as the place of issuance.
As restrictions increased, a new practice emerged. Many residents began obtaining Serbian passports registered in municipalities outside Kosovo, especially in areas such as Presheva and surrounding towns. Registering the documents in these locations allowed travelers to avoid limitations applied to passports issued within Kosovo and maintain access to international travel.
A major turning point came when Kosovo declared independence and began issuing its own passports under the authority of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo. In recent years, mobility has significantly improved, including visa-free travel to the Schengen Area. 
However, challenges remain, as several countries that do not recognize Kosovo continue to impose restrictions or do not accept the passport, meaning that full global travel freedom is still not uniformly guaranteed for Kosovo citizens.
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Operation Spider's Web rewrites the rules of modern warfare

In one of the most innovative military operations of the war so far, Ukraine launched a coordinated and massive drone strike deep inside Russian territory on June 1, 2025. Codenamed Operation Spider Web, it targeted five strategic air bases in Siberia and the Arctic Circle. More than 100 FPV drones, guided by artificial intelligence, were used to strike targets with high precision. According to reports, 41 Russian military aircraft, including strategic bombers, were destroyed or damaged.
Unlike traditional operations, the offensive was carried out without violating Russian airspace with pilots. The drones were introduced into Russian territory hidden inside wooden structures mounted on transport trucks. Once they reached the vicinity of the targets, they were remotely launched and operated autonomously. Equipped with advanced AI algorithms, they identified critical parts of the aircraft, such as fuel tanks and engines, striking with high efficiency.
At a cost of only about $500 per unit, Ukraine managed to inflict billions of dollars in damage to Russian air infrastructure. The use of swarm tactics made these drones particularly difficult to detect and neutralize by air defenses, exposing deep weaknesses in traditional defense systems. This is a clear example of how low-cost technology can defeat conventional military power.
International observers see Operation Spider Web as a new model of warfare for the 21st century. With unmanned systems and artificial intelligence at the center of strategy, countries will be forced to rethink air defense, military preparedness, and the ethical framework that governs the use of such weapons. The Ukrainian operation may have ushered in a new era where wars are fought more with algorithms than with tanks.
As Ukraine and Russia are expected to sit down for peace talks in Istanbul, the attack serves as a clear message: technological superiority and innovation are now the defining factors of power. In this new military reality, drones are not just new weapons; they are changing the very definition of war and the rules that govern it.
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Silent Monopoly: 90% of Rare Earth Mineral Processing in Beijing's Hands

China's control over the global rare earths supply chain has raised deep concerns, particularly about its impact on the strategic energy, technology and defence sectors, at a time when demand for these resources is growing steadily.
China currently accounts for over 70% of the world's production of rare earths. These are essential materials for the production of wind turbines, electric vehicles, smartphones, semiconductors and military equipment. Among the most important minerals are those containing neodymium, dysprosium and praseodymium.
Even more worrying is China's dominance in industrial processing, with over 90% of the global capacity for refining and separating these minerals located within its territory. This means that even if rare earth minerals are mined in other countries, they are often shipped to China for processing, due to its advanced infrastructure and long-standing technological expertise.
This gives Beijing a powerful strategic advantage, especially against countries that depend on these materials for sensitive technology and military equipment. China's imposition of export restrictions on some of these minerals has raised alarm in international markets.
To reduce dependence on China, countries such as the United States and the European Union are taking steps to diversify sources and develop domestic rare earth processing capacities. 
Although efforts to build an independent supply chain have intensified, experts warn that this process will require considerable time and large investments. At a time when the world is shifting development towards clean energy and sustainable technologies, ensuring a stable and reliable supply of rare earth minerals is becoming a global strategic priority.

Impakti provides space for independent commentary and public debate. The opinions expressed in this article belong exclusively to the author and do not represent the views or editorial policy of Impakti.

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